Tag: Shadow

Jeremy Corbyn will resume Brexit talks with the prime minister on Thursday, after Labour tensions over a second referendum burst into the open, with the shadow foreign secretary, Emily Thornberry, writing to colleagues to insist any pact must be put to a public vote. Thornberry wrote to colleagues to say that she was unable to attend for personal reasons – but would have insisted any deal must be subject to a public vote. “What I would have said is that if we look like reaching any other decision than confirmatory vote that would be in breach of the decision made unanimously by conference in Liverpool and overwhelmingly supported by our members and it needs to be put to a vote? by the shadow cabinet,” the letter said. She said the cabinet had held a vote on Tuesday and the shadow cabinet should adopt the same procedure. If it did, she said, “can I – in writing – confirm that my votes are that yes, any deal agreed by parliament must be subject to a confirmatory public vote, and, yes, the other option on the ballot must be remain”. April 3, 2019 That is the careful formulation used by the leadership since Labour shifted its position towards support for a referendum in February – and falls short of Thornberry’s position that any deal should be subject to a public vote. Speaking in favour of the referendum option in the indicative votes process, he told the House of Commons: “At this late stage it is clear that any Brexit deal agreed in this parliament will need further democratic approval.” The Scottish National party, which commands 35 votes in the Commons, has strengthened its demands for a confirmatory referendum on any Brexit deal agreed after May’s cross-party talks, although it has not yet made that a precondition for its support of a new soft Brexit proposal. Starmer, who is one of the more vocal advocates for a referendum in the shadow cabinet, accompanied Corbyn at the meeting, together with Labour’s chief whip, Nick Brown, and strategy and communications director Seumas Milne. Play Video 1:52 But, unlike in previous meetings with the prime minister, Corbyn took the shadow business secretary, Rebecca Long-Bailey, who has expressed scepticism about a referendum. If May cannot secure Labour’s backing for a compromise deal, she hopes to win Corbyn’s sign-up for a binding process in the Commons to decide what form of Brexit is acceptable.

When gunmakers and dealers gather this week in Las Vegas for the industry's largest annual conference, they will be grappling with slumping sales and a shift in politics that many didn't envision two years ago when gun-friendly Donald Trump and a GOP-controlled Congress took office. Instead, fueled by the deadliest mass shooting in modern U.S. history, the federal government banned bump stocks and newly in-charge U.S. House Democrats introduced legislation that would require background checks for virtually every firearm sale, regardless of whether it's from a gun dealer or a private sale. Even without Democrats' gains in November's midterm elections, the industry was facing a so-called "Trump slump," a plummet in sales that happens amid gun rights-friendly administrations. Background checks were at an all-time high in 2016, President Barack Obama's last full year in office, numbering more than 27.5 million; since then, background checks have been at about 25 million each year. You didn't have President Obama to put up in PowerPoint and say 'He's the best gun salesman, look what he's doing to our country,'" he said. Robert J. Spitzer, chairman of political science at the State University of New York at Cortland and a longtime watcher of gun issues, said that not only have shifting politics made it difficult for the gun industry to gain ground but high-profile mass shootings — like the Las Vegas shooting that happened just miles from where the SHOT Show will be held and the Parkland, Florida, high school shooting — also cast a pall. This year's show will again allow reporters from mainstream media to attend. Joe Bartozzi, the new president of the National Shooting Sports Foundation, said the industry isn't disturbed by the drop in gun sales or the shift in federal politics. But other industry priorities, such as reciprocity between states for carrying certain concealed firearms and a measure that would ease restrictions on purchasing suppressors that help muffle the sound when a gun is fired, failed to gain traction. The hope is that increasing the number of public ranges will encourage more people to become hunters.

When gunmakers and dealers gather this week in Las Vegas for the industry's largest annual conference, they will be grappling with slumping sales and a shift in politics that many didn't envision two years ago when gun-friendly Donald Trump and a GOP-controlled Congress took office. Instead, fueled by the deadliest mass shooting in modern U.S. history, the federal government banned bump stocks and newly in-charge U.S. House Democrats introduced legislation that would require background checks for virtually every firearm sale, regardless of whether it's from a gun dealer or a private sale. Even without Democrats' gains in November's midterm elections, the industry was facing a so-called "Trump slump," a plummet in sales that happens amid gun rights-friendly administrations. Background checks were at an all-time high in 2016, President Barack Obama's last full year in office, numbering more than 27.5 million; since then, background checks have been at about 25 million each year. You didn't have President Obama to put up in PowerPoint and say 'He's the best gun salesman, look what he's doing to our country,'" he said. Robert J. Spitzer, chairman of political science at the State University of New York at Cortland and a longtime watcher of gun issues, said that not only have shifting politics made it difficult for the gun industry to gain ground but high-profile mass shootings — like the Las Vegas shooting that happened just miles from where the SHOT Show will be held and the Parkland, Florida, high school shooting — also cast a pall. This year's show will again allow reporters from mainstream media to attend. Joe Bartozzi, the new president of the National Shooting Sports Foundation, said the industry isn't disturbed by the drop in gun sales or the shift in federal politics. But other industry priorities, such as reciprocity between states for carrying certain concealed firearms and a measure that would ease restrictions on purchasing suppressors that help muffle the sound when a gun is fired, failed to gain traction. The hope is that increasing the number of public ranges will encourage more people to become hunters.

A changing U.S. Supreme Court and lawsuits winding through federal courts seem sure to put abortion rights front and center in governor's races, including in Pennsylvania, where Wolf and Wagner are on opposite sides of abortion bills that could see votes in the Legislature. Wolf, a staunch supporter of abortion rights, vetoed a bill last December to shorten Pennsylvania's current legal abortion limit from 24 weeks to 20 and effectively ban dilation and evacuation, the most common method of second-trimester abortion. Wagner also backs a "heartbeat bill" in Pennsylvania's Legislature that would ban abortions after the detection of a fetal heartbeat, usually at around six weeks of pregnancy, and a bill prohibiting abortions on the basis of Down syndrome, his campaign said. One important question is how far state lawmakers who call themselves pro-life would go to limit abortion — or ban them — if they think Wagner would sign the bill. The 20-week abortion bill passed with 121 votes in the House and 32 in the Senate, not enough to override Wolf's veto. Wolf has said that he would veto a "heartbeat bill" — viewed as a six-week abortion ban — and that he opposes the Down syndrome bill. Wolf's office said he would veto a complete ban, while Wagner is making no commitment, his campaign said. Rep. Rick Saccone, R-Allegheny, the sponsor of Pennsylvania's "heartbeat bill," said he has no commitment from House Republican leaders to advance the bill in this legislative session, which ends Nov. 30. If the Down syndrome bill goes to Wolf's desk this fall, McMonagle sees electoral significance. "Wolf's veto," McMonagle said, "will be fresh in voters' minds before the election."

A changing U.S. Supreme Court and lawsuits winding through federal courts seem sure to put abortion rights front and center in governor's races, including in Pennsylvania, where Wolf and Wagner are on opposite sides of abortion bills that could see votes in the Legislature. Wolf, a staunch supporter of abortion rights, vetoed a bill last December to shorten Pennsylvania's current legal abortion limit from 24 weeks to 20 and effectively ban dilation and evacuation, the most common method of second-trimester abortion. Wagner also backs a "heartbeat bill" in Pennsylvania's Legislature that would ban abortions after the detection of a fetal heartbeat, usually at around six weeks of pregnancy, and a bill prohibiting abortions on the basis of Down syndrome, his campaign said. Meanwhile, President Donald Trump's nomination of Brett Kavanaugh to the U.S. Supreme Court is expected to be before the U.S. Senate in September or October. One important question is how far state lawmakers who call themselves pro-life would go to limit abortion — or ban them — if they think Wagner would sign the bill. The 20-week abortion bill passed with 121 votes in the House and 32 in the Senate, not enough to override Wolf's veto. Wolf has said that he would veto a "heartbeat bill" — viewed as a six-week abortion ban — and that he opposes the Down syndrome bill. Wolf's office said he would veto a complete ban, while Wagner is making no commitment, his campaign said. Rep. Rick Saccone, R-Allegheny, the sponsor of Pennsylvania's "heartbeat bill," said he has no commitment from House Republican leaders to advance the bill in this legislative session, which ends Nov. 30. However, Saccone said he believes it would pass the House, at least, while a complete ban would not.

A changing U.S. Supreme Court and lawsuits winding through federal courts seem sure to put abortion rights front and center in governor's races, including in Pennsylvania, where Wolf and Wagner are on opposite sides of abortion bills that could see votes in the Legislature. Wolf, a staunch supporter of abortion rights, vetoed a bill last December to shorten Pennsylvania's current legal abortion limit from 24 weeks to 20 and effectively ban dilation and evacuation, the most common method of second-trimester abortion. Wagner also backs a "heartbeat bill" in Pennsylvania's Legislature that would ban abortions after the detection of a fetal heartbeat, usually at around six weeks of pregnancy, and a bill prohibiting abortions on the basis of Down syndrome, his campaign said. One important question is how far state lawmakers who call themselves pro-life would go to limit abortion — or ban them — if they think Wagner would sign the bill. The 20-week abortion bill passed with 121 votes in the House and 32 in the Senate, not enough to override Wolf's veto. Wolf has said that he would veto a "heartbeat bill" — viewed as a six-week abortion ban — and that he opposes the Down syndrome bill. Wolf's office said he would veto a complete ban, while Wagner is making no commitment, his campaign said. Rep. Rick Saccone, R-Allegheny, the sponsor of Pennsylvania's "heartbeat bill," said he has no commitment from House Republican leaders to advance the bill in this legislative session, which ends Nov. 30. If the Down syndrome bill goes to Wolf's desk this fall, McMonagle sees electoral significance. "Wolf's veto," McMonagle said, "will be fresh in voters' minds before the election."