Tag: Political action committee

Since the summer of 2016, when a campaign to bring a full-fledged medical marijuana market to Florida by constitutional amendment hit high gear, Florida’s licensed cannabis corporations and their executives have given at least $2.5 million in political contributions to state lawmakers and political parties. Sign Up and Save Get six months of free digital access to the Miami Herald “Their participation goes hand in hand with it being a lawful industry now, or a constitutionally authorized industry, in the state of Florida,” said Senate President Bill Galvano, whose Innovate Florida political committee has received at least $102,000 from marijuana companies and executives since 2016. And in 2019, the three companies have given at least $103,500 to lawmakers’ political committees. All of the donations followed a Jan. 17 press conference DeSantis held in Orlando with marijuana advocate and booster John Morgan to declare that he’d drop the state’s appeals of several lawsuits — including one filed by Morgan — if lawmakers didn’t pass bills by March 15 allowing patients to smoke marijuana. But last month, as Rodrigues’ bill moved through the Health and Human Services committee that he chairs, the Estero lawmaker warned that without legislation to guide smoking marijuana, a federal judge’s ruling striking down Florida’s smoking ban would leave the state with “the law of the wild west.” Ben Pollara, the political consultant who steered the campaign to bring a full-blown marijuana market to Florida, thinks political contributions have helped the industry make its case. Rob Bradley, among the biggest recipients of cannabis donations, was a sponsor of the 2014 Compassionate Medical Cannabis Act long before Costa Farms gave his political committee its first $10,000 contribution from a cannabis company in August 2015. “As is the case with many companies both large and small, we support candidates and elected officials who support our industry,” Curaleaf, the cannabis brand that grew from Costa Farms’ cultivation license, said in a statement. The Democratic politician receiving the most industry money is Nikki Fried, a former marijuana lobbyist who won the race for agriculture commissioner and also happens to date Jake Bergmann, who stepped down as CEO of Surterra the day before the election. Nikki Fried campaign Galvano, the Senate president, says he doesn’t see a link between the campaign money given to lawmakers and the recent change in position on smoking marijuana.

The announcement came well after many other countries had grounded the aircraft. (Just this fall, the company won a $9.2 billion contract to make a new generation of jets for the Air Force.) And its employees, political action committees and other affiliated groups have donated more than $8.4 million in campaign contributions since 2016, giving to Democrats and Republicans in equal measure. The answer is a loophole, cemented in the law in the 1970s, that permits government contractors to set up “separate segregated funds,” or political action committees, to make political contributions using money typically pooled from the contractors’ executives and major shareholders. He noted that if nothing else, it creates “the appearance of the government contractor buying influence despite the contractor contribution ban.” Boeing’s PAC is a “major player” Mr. Fischer said. Boeing correctly reports that the company itself does not directly fund super PACs (which are allowed to raise unlimited amounts of money). The company’s PAC may give up to $5,000 to a candidate’s campaign committee or use its funds for any other “lawful purpose” — which includes unlimited contributions to super PACs or “dark money” nonprofit groups as well. There is also, in effect, another even larger loophole for contractors looking to influence national politicians: the inaugural committee for a president-elect. Because inaugural committees are technically not connected to the political campaign, “all bets are off,” as Mr. Fischer put it. “The public can’t have complete faith that the government’s decisions around the 737 Max 8 were made based on the public’s interests,” Mr. Fischer said.

Major Democratic and Republican donors were indicted Tuesday in a college admissions scandal which led to the arrests of CEOs and famous actresses in a wide-ranging federal investigation. There is no evidence that those who were indicted Tuesday used their access to elected officials to help their children gain admission to top universities. HuffPost has asked all of the candidates and committees who were beneficiaries of campaign contributions from the people indicted Tuesday whether they plan to donate or return the campaign contributions and whether the elected officials ever aided the donors with their children’s college admissions by writing a letter or contacting the secondary education institutions in any way to support or influence their admission decisions. Other politicians and organizations had not responded by Tuesday evening. The contributions were made to both Democratic and Republican candidates and committees. The contributions included: At least $131,800 to committees benefiting or controlled by then-presidential candidate and current U.S. Sen. Mitt Romney (R-Utah) At least $30,000 to committees benefiting Gavin Newsom At least $25,000 to the Kamala Harris Senate Committee and the committee for her California attorney general candidacy At least $16,900 to committees benefiting or controlled by Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.) $8,350 to the National Republican Campaign Committee $8,350 to the National Republican Senatorial Committee The indicted contributors included: Agustin Huneeus, vintner $30,000 in contributions to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s campaign committees. Robert Flaxman, CEO of Crown Realty & Development Total federal contributions: $143,065.80 $50,000 to Romney Victory Fund in 2012 $2,300 to Romney presidential campaign in 2007 $8,100 to Chris Van Hollen’s Senate account (all contributions were disbursed through a joint committee on Sept. 30, 2016) $33,400 to the Democratic National Committee $8,350 to the National Republican Senatorial Committee $10,000 to the California Republican Party Federal Account $35,800 to the Republican National Committee $8,350 to the National Republican Congressional Committee Gordon Caplan, attorney Caplan has contributed $86,750 to federal candidates and committees. A total of $14,700 to Kirsten Gillibrand’s Senate campaign $1,250 to Gillibrand’s political action committee $5,700 to committees controlled by Sen. Kamala Harris $30,800 to the DNC through the Obama Victory Fund in 2012 $7,350 to Harris’ California attorney general campaign committees Robert Zangrillo, CEO, Dragon Global $50,000 to Romney Victory Fund in 2012 $30,800 to the Republican National Committee 2012 (distributed through the Romney Victory Fund) Abdelaziz Gamal, former casino executive $40,196 in total contributions to federal candidates and committees $33,096 in contributions to the MGM Resorts International PAC Douglas Hodge, former Pimco CEO $29,000 in total contributions to federal campaign funds $5,000 to the Investment Company Institute PAC $10,000 to Securities Association PAC Manuel Henriquez, chairman and CEO of Hercules Technology Growth Capital $19,530 in total federal contributions $16,450 to the Democratic National Committee Mossimo Giannulli, fashion designer, and Lori Loughlin, actress $12,800 in total contributions to federal candidates and committees $5,000 to Romney Victory in 2012 (via Mossimo Giannulli) Felicity Huffman, actress $10,719.17 in total federal contributions $1,537.50 of which was to the Kamala Harris Senate campaign committee Bruce Isackson, president of WP Investments, and Davina Isackson $2,500 to the Romney presidential campaign (via Bruce Isackson) $3,500 to the Congressional Leadership Fund, a Republican super PAC, in 2017 (via Bruce Isackson) Michelle Janavs, former executive of a food manufacturer $5,000 to the Romney Victory Fund in 2012 Marci Palatella, owner of Preservation Distillery John B. Wilson, president and CEO of Hyannis Port Capital CORRECTION: In an earlier version of this article, donations were listed from Agustin Huneeus to the Democratic National Committee and Reps. Mike Thompson and Nancy Pelosi. Those donations have not been confirmed.

Major Democratic and Republican donors were indicted Tuesday in a college admissions scandal which led to the arrests of CEOs and famous actresses in a wide-ranging federal investigation. There is no evidence that those who were indicted Tuesday used their access to elected officials to help their children gain admission to top universities. HuffPost has asked all of the candidates and committees who were beneficiaries of campaign contributions from the people indicted Tuesday whether they plan to donate or return the campaign contributions and whether the elected officials ever aided the donors with their children’s college admissions by writing a letter or contacting the secondary education institutions in any way to support or influence their admission decisions. Other politicians and organizations had not responded by Tuesday evening. The contributions were made to both Democratic and Republican candidates and committees. The contributions included: At least $131,800 to committees benefiting or controlled by then-presidential candidate and current U.S. Sen. Mitt Romney (R-Utah) At least $30,000 to committees benefiting Gavin Newsom At least $25,000 to the Kamala Harris Senate Committee and the committee for her California attorney general candidacy At least $16,900 to committees benefiting or controlled by Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand (D-N.Y.) $8,350 to the National Republican Campaign Committee $8,350 to the National Republican Senatorial Committee The indicted contributors included: Agustin Huneeus, vintner $30,000 in contributions to Gov. Gavin Newsom’s campaign committees. Robert Flaxman, CEO of Crown Realty & Development Total federal contributions: $143,065.80 $50,000 to Romney Victory Fund in 2012 $2,300 to Romney presidential campaign in 2007 $8,100 to Chris Van Hollen’s Senate account (all contributions were disbursed through a joint committee on Sept. 30, 2016) $33,400 to the Democratic National Committee $8,350 to the National Republican Senatorial Committee $10,000 to the California Republican Party Federal Account $35,800 to the Republican National Committee $8,350 to the National Republican Congressional Committee Gordon Caplan, attorney Caplan has contributed $86,750 to federal candidates and committees. A total of $14,700 to Kirsten Gillibrand’s Senate campaign $1,250 to Gillibrand’s political action committee $5,700 to committees controlled by Sen. Kamala Harris $30,800 to the DNC through the Obama Victory Fund in 2012 $7,350 to Harris’ California attorney general campaign committees Robert Zangrillo, CEO, Dragon Global $50,000 to Romney Victory Fund in 2012 $30,800 to the Republican National Committee 2012 (distributed through the Romney Victory Fund) Abdelaziz Gamal, former casino executive $40,196 in total contributions to federal candidates and committees $33,096 in contributions to the MGM Resorts International PAC Douglas Hodge, former Pimco CEO $29,000 in total contributions to federal campaign funds $5,000 to the Investment Company Institute PAC $10,000 to Securities Association PAC Manuel Henriquez, chairman and CEO of Hercules Technology Growth Capital $19,530 in total federal contributions $16,450 to the Democratic National Committee Mossimo Giannulli, fashion designer, and Lori Loughlin, actress $12,800 in total contributions to federal candidates and committees $5,000 to Romney Victory in 2012 (via Mossimo Giannulli) Felicity Huffman, actress $10,719.17 in total federal contributions $1,537.50 of which was to the Kamala Harris Senate campaign committee Bruce Isackson, president of WP Investments, and Davina Isackson $2,500 to the Romney presidential campaign (via Bruce Isackson) $3,500 to the Congressional Leadership Fund, a Republican super PAC, in 2017 (via Bruce Isackson) Michelle Janavs, former executive of a food manufacturer $5,000 to the Romney Victory Fund in 2012 Marci Palatella, owner of Preservation Distillery John B. Wilson, president and CEO of Hyannis Port Capital CORRECTION: In an earlier version of this article, donations were listed from Agustin Huneeus to the Democratic National Committee and Reps. Mike Thompson and Nancy Pelosi. Those donations have not been confirmed.

LOS ANGELES (CBSLA) – Not long ago, Ed Buck was rubbing elbows with some of the Democratic party’s biggest stars – donating tens of thousands of dollars to various candidates and causes. Before the two deaths at his home, Buck was a well-known activist. In many cases, the money was returned to Buck or donated to charities after Moore’s death. RELATED: ‘Character Assassination Is Not Going To Happen’: Friends React To 2nd Death In Democratic Donor’s Apartment Records dating back to 2009 showed Los Angeles Mayor Eric Garcetti was one of Buck’s high-profile recipients, receiving $1,400 in 2016. That money was returned about a month after Moore died. Her campaign claims that money was given back in February of 2018. Lieu’s campaign says after the second death at Buck’s home, they donated the contributions they received to various charities. The campaign says the money went to the nonprofit Trevor Project. “Every candidate and politician sort of has to find their own way,” said California State University Northridge Professor Lawrence Becker. Becker says it’s up to the candidates whether or not to return the money.

Senator Kirsten Gillibrand, an outspoken advocate for women’s causes and electing more women to office, is herself entering the 2020 race for the White House, becoming the latest candidate to join what is expected to be a crowded Democratic primary to take on President Trump. In an appearance Tuesday on “The Late Show With Stephen Colbert,” Ms. Gillibrand, Democrat of New York, said she was forming an exploratory committee to raise money and travel the country for her run. Ms. Gillibrand’s 2020 announcement was widely expected after weeks of presidential buildup, in which she secured office space for a headquarters in Troy, N.Y., and expanded her political staff. “The first thing I would do is restore what’s been lost: the integrity and the compassion of this country,” Ms. Gillibrand told Mr. Colbert when he asked about her Day 1 priorities. “I would bring people together to start getting things done,” she said. At the time of her appointment, Ms. Gillibrand had just won re-election to her second term in the House after seizing her Albany-area seat from a Republican incumbent in 2006. She has moved steadily to the left politically since then, abandoning her former positions on guns and immigration, in particular, as she has become one of the Democratic Party’s most reliably liberal voices. Her decision — which was quickly echoed by other senators, both men and women — led to a backlash from some Democratic activists and donors who were angered that Mr. Franken was forced to resign while a president accused of harassment by multiple women remained in office. Ms. Gillibrand’s stance on Mr. Franken came on the heels of saying that, in retrospect, President Bill Clinton’s sexual relationship with an intern would have been cause to resign, even though the Clintons had championed her early in her career. She easily secured re-election in 2008 in a House race that was the most expensive in the nation that year.

Senator Cory Booker of New Jersey counts more billionaire potential financiers as friends or allies than many other potential candidates for the 2020 Democratic nomination. The hope of these potential candidates is that grass-roots donors and progressive activists would reward them more handsomely in the primary for rejecting such funds. The financial firepower would be alluring to those with a ready network of financiers, such as Senator Cory Booker of New Jersey, who is seen as likely to have a super PAC, according to donors, strategists and people close to him. Some allies are already discussing possible super PACs for Senators Kamala Harris of California and Kirsten Gillibrand of New York, the two most Democratic donor-rich states in the nation. Senator Kirsten Gillibrand of New York has deep relationships with home-state donors who could finance a campaign, but she has also invested in creating a digital network of small donors. Strategists inside multiple potential 2020 operations described active discussions on the big money conundrum. “But I also knew people were sick of it all.” Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont refused support from super PACs during his 2016 presidential run. Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts is likely to reject the assistance of a super PAC should she run for president. People close to her said that she is unlikely to seek super PAC assistance in 2020 and that she is unlikely to endorse any candidate who would if she does not run. “I’ll probably give to Bernie and Elizabeth to start out the primaries,” he said.

The answer, apparently: he was fundraising in Washington, D.C. Gillum's political committee had a banner week from Sept. 8 through Sept. 14, hauling in over $1.75 million from 196 different contributions. The DeSantis campaign noted that the Republican nominee has raised over $4.5 million between his campaign and political committee since election day. Sharon Lettman-Hicks Sharon is a longtime advisor to Mayor Gillum and a nationally recognized political strategist, and like Mayor Gillum, a proud FAMU alum. Sharon serves as CEO of the National Black Justice Coalition, and previously served in senior leadership roles at People For the American Way Foundation. In 2014, President Barack Obama named her to the President's Advisory Commission on Educational Excellence for African Americans Sean Pittman Sean Pittman is the Senior Partner and Chief Executive Officer of Pittman Law Group. Zach Learner, Deputy Campaign Manager for Operations Zach managed Chris King's gubernatorial campaign, served as director of voter protection for Hillary Clinton's 2016 presidential campaign in Florida and served on both Obama presidential campaigns. Carlie Waibel, Deputy Communications Director Carlie served on Hillary Clinton's 2016 campaign in Florida, Charlie Crist's 2014 governor's campaign, for Senator Bill Nelson, and previously managed public affairs for Uber in New England. Kevin Cate, CATECOMM, Paid Media Kevin is a veteran of Florida politics and media consultant for some of the largest corporations, associations, and campaigns in the country. He has served as senior advisor to the Democratic National Committee, senior advisor to Sen. Chris Van Hollen, lead spokesman for the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, senior aide at the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, traveling press secretary for Gov. His experience includes Hillary Clinton's 2016 campaign, as well as successfully guiding and advising senators, governors, and members of Congress, including Rep. Patrick Murphy (2014 & 2016) and Amb.

New filings show a spread of wealthy, out-of-state donors contributed the millions of dollars that organizations linked to both national political parties used to tilt the West Virginia Senate Republican primary. Throughout the race, Duty and Country PAC, which traces back to a political arm of the Democratic party, and Mountain Families PAC, which was funded entirely by a PAC linked to Senate leadership, dumped just shy of a combined $3.2 million in advertising into the race. The filings, publicized Sunday by the Federal Election Commission, show not one penny from either organization came from a West Virginian’s pocket. Blankenship and McConnell engaged in a public, racially-tinged feud while Mountain Families PAC pounded Blankenship with ads attacking his misdemeanor conviction for conspiring to violate mine health and safety standards and a $40 million legal settlement his company paid for water pollution issues due to mine activity. Duty and Country used more of a shoe-leather fundraising strategy, soliciting five- and six-figure donations from a host of executives from different industries. Its top donors include James Simons, president of Euclidean Capital, who kicked in $400,000; Robert Hale, CEO of Granite Telecommunications, who gave $250,000; Jeffrey Gural, from GFP Real Estate, who gave $150,000; and Jerry Reinsdorf, owner of the Chicago White Sox Major League Baseball team, who gave $100,000. Duty and Country allocated only a small percentage of its spending targeting state Attorney General Patrick Morrisey, who won the primary, training most its firepower on Jenkins. The filings essentially vindicate what both targeted candidates said about them; McConnell targeted Blankenship and the national Democratic party targeted Jenkins. Duty and Country also drew some attention when its first filings revealed former U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of West Virginia Booth Goodwin served as its treasurer. Goodwin led the prosecution that landed Blankenship in jail for a year.

Even before the felony case, William Tierney had been involved years ago in what some people saw as underhanded politics and he had been embroiled in a fight over millions of dollars in a family fortune from a gardening business. This week's criminal case, filed by the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of New York, jarred some who worked with Tierney in Arizona and left others surprised by the allegations of fundraising fraud in politics. “You have not made my day.” 'Scam PACs" The brothers are charged with operating nine PACs that took in millions from small-dollar donors, usually in the name of helping conservative causes. Prosecutors allege the scam was a bonanza for the brothers, who pocketed at least $3.5 million but spent less than 1 percent toward political contributions. After that, the family no longer trusted that daughter and intended to provide for her mental health needs, but never wanted her to control the family estate, the case claimed. Instead, William Tierney was in control of the family’s money for years, but later found that his aunt had taken control of the estate a year before his grandmother’s 2002 death. The family later learned their lawyer had personal problems and wanted the lawyer and his firm held liable for their counsel. Like all the PACs authorities tied to the Tierneys, the National Campaign’s records show it overwhelmingly took in its money in small amounts and gave little to actual campaigns or politically active organizations. None of the political candidates they gave to were from Arizona, either. Similar to the National Campaign, Voter Education also had no publicly identified donors from Arizona or candidates it supported in Arizona.